Abolhassan Bani-Sadr was the primary president of the Islamic Republic of Iran after the 1979 revolution. Within the following interview with The WorldPost, simply days after the demise of Iran’s fourth president, Ayatollah Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Bani-Sadr displays on the chief’s passing and what it means for the way forward for his nation and its relations with America. Rafsanjani, recognized for his average views, lengthy profession among the many ruling elite and oversight of developments in Iran’s nuclear program, died Sunday on the age of 82 after affected by a coronary heart assault.
How would you describe the impact of Ayatollah Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani on the Iranian revolution and its consequence?
Because the Iranian revolution was a spontaneous motion, [Ayatollah Akbar Hashemi] Rafsanjani didn’t play any function in its emergence. Throughout the revolution, nonetheless, he turned [Ayatollah Ruhollah] Khomeini’s major assistant. After the overthrow of the monarchy, Rafsanjani had essentially the most affect over Khomeini and performed a number one function in reconstructing dictatorship in Iran after the revolution. This course of lasted all through the intervals of management of both Khomeini and [Ayatollah Ali] Khamenei, [the current supreme leader], and in each intervals, Rafsanjani was the second-in-command.
‘His demise reverses the state of affairs and the idea that the “non-reformability” of the regime will prevail.’
How does Rafsanjani’s demise have an effect on the reformists’ camp?
Since [Mahmoud] Ahmadinejad’s presidency, Rafsanjani performed the function of “counterbalance” in favor of reformism, arguing that the regime might be reformed. His demise reverses the state of affairs and the idea that the “non-reformability”of the regime will prevail. If folks start to consider that the regime might be reformed, Khamenei would be the major loser. The reformists will likely be losers, too. In actual fact, they are going to lose on two grounds. First, they are going to grow to be weaker vis-à-vis the unbiased and democratic various, which is located exterior the regime and unbiased of any overseas energy. Secondly, an rising variety of reformists, particularly in rank and file, will be part of this various.
Is his demise useful for hard-liners, and does it assist Khamenei to nominate his desired successor?
In dictatorial regimes, the elimination of counterbalance at all times weakens the regime. For instance, we noticed that within the former USSR. The elimination of [Mikhail] Gorbachev led to the collapse of the Soviet Union. In Iran, when the shah turned the nation right into a one-party system and made social gathering membership for Iranians obligatory, it made folks consider that the regime couldn’t be reformed and needed to be overthrown.
In response to WikiLeaks, Rafsanjani believed that Khamenei was about to die and he tried to determine a agency place for himself after his demise. Nevertheless, it’s the Council of Specialists which can select the long run supreme chief, and it’s completely obedient to Khamenei. Even when Rafsanjani was alive, he couldn’t have an effect on the result. Nevertheless, his demise can have two contradictory results on Khamenei’s choice concerning the subsequent chief:
a) Khamenei will both select a pacesetter no matter the diploma of public assist for his alternative, and it will persuade those that the regime can’t be reformed, or
b) fearing the collapse of the regime if he chooses such an individual, Khamenei will select a successor who doesn’t have a robust background of crime and corruption.
‘Khamenei’s supporters consider not solely that Trump will preserve the Vienna nuclear settlement, but in addition that his insurance policies in Syria and the Center East will preserve the pursuits of the regime.’
How will his absence have an effect on Iran-U.S. relations throughout Trump’s presidency?
The relation of Iran with the U.S. is subordinate to the necessity of the regime to have the U.S. as an enemy. This determines Iran’s home and worldwide politics. Now that Rafsanjani is gone, throughout the regime there will likely be no one who can discuss concerning the normalization of relations with america. The regime will proceed its standard coverage of outward confrontation, secret compromise and give-and-take with america. Moreover, Khamenei’s supporters consider not solely that Trump will preserve the Vienna nuclear agreement, but in addition that his insurance policies in Syria and the Center East will preserve the pursuits of the regime. This is because of the truth that he’ll work with Russia in Syria, and on this approach, will likely be working with Iran. Lastly, Khamenei’s supporters consider that, compared with former U.S. presidents, will probably be simpler to make use of methods of outward confrontation and secret compromise with Trump.
This interview has been translated and edited briefly for readability.
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